Factoids and Fiction

To Remain Vigilant: Book I of the Epic of Hotspur

Because I believe that entertainment can be educational and education entertaining, I provide detailed chapter-by-chapter notes explaining what in To Remain Vigilant actually occurred and what I created. However, though cast as fiction the tale it tells is largely true. To assist anyone wishing to explore further, a bibliography follows these notes.

Also: To Be Worthy in Honor: Book II of the Epic of Hotspur already includes chapter-by-chapter notes and the bibliography as an addendum, so they do not appear here.

Liz Sevchuk Armstrong

Chapter I

Details of the tournament come from contemporary accounts, such as the French chronicler Jean Froissart's reporting (pgs. 434-446 in the Johnes edition) of a famous international tourney at St. Inglevert, in France, in 1390 (in which both Hotspur and Henry Bolingbroke participated, though Froissart seems to overlook them), and English writer John Hardyng's chronicle. Hardyng, who was Hotspur's squire, scribe and friend, age 21 in 1399, described a tourney held in Smithfield in London in 1396 (pg. 344 in Ellis' edition) in which Hotspur led a team that defeated all others and included the Bohemian knight "Herr Hans" as well as a man named Richard Arundel. It's unclear whether this was the senior Lord Richard Arundel, executed in 1397, or his younger and relatively unknown kinsman, whom I have used as Hotspur's antagonist here. Whether or not the younger Arundel ever jousted against Hotspur is speculative but Hotspur seems to have bailed Arundel out of financial difficulties by purchasing 22 Borders farms from him in 1402. The transaction, by which Hotspur apparently paid Arundel £1,000 in return for the properties, and Arundel agreed to later repay him £330 to regain control of four of the sites by mid-summer of 1403, is mentioned in the Calendar of Close Rolls, Volume I (pgs. 516, 518) and Calendar of Patent Rolls, Volume II (pgs. 309-310). Furnival, or Lord Thomas Neville, was Hotspur's maternal first cousin and friend.

I have used the name "Borders" to refer to those areas (on both sides of the national boundary line) that would have been known as "Marches" in Hotspur's day. The region would include but not be limited to the modern Borders county in southeastern Scotland.

A Digression on Hotspur's Age:

Uncertainty remains as to the exact year of Hotspur's birth. For the last century, encyclopedias and other books have variously described him as being born in 1364 or 1366, and conflicting contemporary evidence complicates matters. One source, the Alnwick Chronicle, compiled by the monks of the local monastery with which his family had close ties, gives May 20, 1364, as his birthdate. However, that monastic text (excerpts printed in Archaeologia Aeliana, 1849) seems to have been compiled well after Hotspur's death from earlier chronicle sources and so its accuracy cannot be easily verified. Then, too, a deed made by Hotspur's grandfather for nearby Hulne Priory in March 1364 includes a "Henry de Percy," separate from Hotspur's father, among the numerous official witnesses. This could feasibly refer to the future Hotspur as a small boy. Obviously, though, he could not have witnessed that document in March 1364, even in an honorary role as a child, if he had not been born until May 1364. Children apparently were sometimes included among witnesses for documents—Robert Bruce, future king of Scotland, witnessed one at age 12—and children were routinely pledged to each other in marriage. Also, no other male turned up in my research as a likely candidate for this “Henry de Percy,” but that is not to say that another man did not exist. Consequently, the possibility that young Harry was an official witness in March 1364, publicly drawn into the ceremony as the heir to his father and grandfather, cannot be ruled out. As a young adult, Hotspur testified in an important court case in 1386, when he was at least 20 and by then had already been warden of the March for about 2 years and involved in warfare for about 8 years. His parents probably married in 1358. The Percy Chartularly (pgs. 215-16) includes documents of October 1358 and February 1359 for property granted them and their heirs, indicating that they were already a wedded couple. Accordingly, it seems quite possible that Hotspur was born in 1360 (or even 1359) and was thus 43 (or 44) when he perished in July 1403. This would better explain his appointment as Warden of the March in 1384, when he would've been at least 24 and his participation in battle, apparently as leader of a final assault on Berwick, in 1378, when he would've been at least 18. (See Historia Anglicana, Volume I, pgs. 387-388, for an account of the latter.) On the assumption that he was born in spring 1360, I have made him 38 (soon to turn 39) when the novel opens in January 1399. Finally, describing Hotspur at the time of his later death, probably at age 43 or 44, the St. Albans scribes referred to him as a young or youthful man, so he must’ve still demonstrated a young man's fighting skills and physical attributes as he reached middle age.

Chapter II

Although the details about Hotspur's and Elizabeth Mortimer's backgrounds are true, I have created the incidents described in this chapter. Their parents probably contracted the marriage when Elizabeth was an infant and he a boy. (She was apparently confirmed as a baby at the same time she was baptized, making her immediately eligible for a marriage contract.) Hotspur and Elizabeth seem to have had vastly different personalities and to have not consummated the marriage until they were young adults. Not long after Harry's death, Elizabeth married Lord Thomas Camoys, one of King Henry's top courtiers, and it is difficult to see how she could have done so—making a marriage as a grown woman, of her free will—had she loved Harry (and vice versa). Some months after his death, she also received his remains (sections of his body were earlier on display in various cities) and apparently disposed of them without even telling their son, either then or when he grew up, what she had done with them. To this day, despite erroneous accounts of a burial at York, Harry has no known grave.

The border raid in this chapter resembles those typical of the whole period between approximately 1300 and 1600, although one particularly fraught period occurred during Harry's tenure as warden of the March, a position that combined the duties of military commander, governor and judicial official. What appear to be the most sweeping responsibilities ever given a warden in that period were assigned to Harry by Richard II in January 1399, in a commission that Henry IV continued. The Rotuli Scotiae, Volume II, contains the 1399 commission (pgs. 146-47), Henry's re-appointment of Harry as warden (pg. 151), and Crown agreements with other Borders officials.

As two separate chroniclers, Thomas Walsingham and Henry Knighton attested, the Scots gave young Percy his celebrated nickname of "Hotspur," for his fighting skills, valor, vigilance, and audacity. Describing Hotspur (Historia Anglicana, Volume II, pg. 144) Walsingham wrote in Latin that "while he was constable of the town of Berwick, he compelled an altogether unquiet race, verily, the Scots, to remain quiet, and by his quick, ceaseless activity overcame them many times. For this, in their language they called this same Harry `Hatspore,' which means `hot-spur’ '’—calidum calcar, in Walsingham's Latin. His spelling of 'Hatspore' is in Borders Dialect, in which "a" and "o" were often interchanged. In the related Annales Ricardi Secundi et Henrici Quarti (pg. 245), Walsingham and his fellow scribes at St. Albans likewise described Hotspur as "the same one whom the Scots call `Harry Hotspur' because he so assiduously attacked them." Knighton described how, while the rest of England slept, Hotspur kept a tireless vigil, protecting the North. (See quotation at the beginning of this book.) Similarly, the Westminster Chronicle (pg. 135) reports a Scottish incursion near Carlisle, overcome when Hotspur "followed them and fell upon them by night, killing many of them and putting numerous to flight besides taking prisoners—his captures included 26 persons of rank—before returning home in triumphal glory."

Hotspur also sometimes led counter-raids into Scotland. Whether conducted by Scots or English, raids, or reiving, usually involved stealing livestock and farm goods, intimidating the public, and burning barns and houses. Frequently, these became bloody clashes when the English and Scots caught up with each other. In Hotspur’s day, England and Scotland avoided all-out war, but periods of peace were broken by raids or the occasional major invasion or battle, like the one at Otterburn in 1388. For a good overview of Borders reiving, culture and conflict, see George MacDonald Fraser's The Steel Bonnets. Although it largely focuses on the 16th-Century, the Borders' life and warfare Fraser describes generally apply to the Hotspur’s era as well, although the situation may have been worse in the 16th-century after England fractured in the War of the Roses and rise of the Tudors. Angus Douglas, the Scottish chieftain portrayed in this chapter, is fictitious but based on historical counterparts, and the overall clan leader, Archibald "the Grim" Douglas, was very much a real man.

Chapter III

According to Froissart, shortly before departing for Ireland Richard II angrily denounced Hotspur and his father because they criticized his misgovernance. Richard also reportedly demanded that they join the Irish expedition but then —for some reason—decided to imprison or kill them when they reached him. He may well have tried to banish Hotspur, like he had earlier exiled Bolingbroke and others. For more details, see the Johnes edition of Froissart, Volume II (pgs. 681-2 and 685). Webb, the 19th-Century editor of Creton's chronicle (pg. 127), believed that it was Hotspur's allegations of royal misrule that ultimately incensed the King; Wylie concurred (History of England Under Henry IV, Volume I, pg. 25). One biographer of the Percy family, Gerald Brenan, thought that both Percies "escaped the Tower" by fleeing Richard shortly before the Irish campaign (pg. 62). Messages seeking their return allegedly drew the response that both needed to remain on the Borders, given uncertainty about Scotland and a soon-to-expire truce. Like Webb and Wylie, I suspect that if any Percy openly objected to Richard's governance it was Hotspur. His father was too seasoned a courtier and too ambitious a politician to risk it. (Earl Henry Percy also had been on a commission that acquiesced in Richard's mistreatment of Bolingbroke. However, whether the commission’s supposedly unanimous concurrence reflects Richard's propaganda, not reality, remains unclear. See the brief account, excerpted from the Rolls of Parliament, in Myers' English Historical Documents, No. 78, pg. 178.)

The "blank charters" (literally, "carte blanche" or "carta alba") and/or penalties levied against 17 counties are mentioned in various contemporary sources and covered as well by historians. Samples include Walsingham's Historia Anglicana, Volume II (pgs. 230-231) and Davies' An English Chronicle (pgs. 13-14); The Kirkstall Chronicle introduction by Clarke and Denholm-Young; Nigel Saul's Richard II (pg. 389); and Tuck's book Richard II and the English Nobility (pg. 197). Richard certainly seems to have employed such unscrupulous devices, prompting considerable resentment, and his actions became evidence against him in the articles of deposition. In general, his record reveals authoritarianism, arrogance, and crass political scheming, although he also seems to have had a charming and flamboyantly sophisticated side. If Hotspur actually differed with Richard over an issue of policy—which seems likely—probable cause can be found in the blank charters, general abuse of the realm, and mistreatment of citizens, including Bolingbroke. Davies' An English Chronicle (pg. 12) includes the report of Richard’s habit of lounging silently on his throne, surrounded by his court, nodding periodically to courtiers, who then had to kneel.

Hotspur was emotionally close to his uncle, Earl Thomas Percy, and in many ways they seem to have shared more of a warm, father-son relationship than Hotspur had with his real father. The account here of their time together in London is fictitious, but, I believe, typical of their interaction. Thomas Percy's career followed the lines sketched here; he served as admiral for Richard II's Irish expedition in 1399 and was seneschal or chief steward of Richard's household.

According to legend, Hotspur suffered some form of speech impediment in his early years. If so, he seems to have conquered it as he matured. I have portrayed it as a stutter. Nonetheless, a king of Cyprus once praised his eloquence. (See Letters from the Northern Registers, pgs. 425-6.)

Chapter IV

In this and the next several chapters, the treatment of Henry Bolingbroke's actions and itinerary on returning from exile, and of those who joined him, follow the accounts in various medieval texts, such as those by Walsingham and the monks of St. Albans, Hardyng, Creton, Adam of Usk, the Dieulacres Chronicle, An English Chronicle, the Brut, and others, with reference also to the work of historians of the last 200 years (see those already mentioned above and the bibliography, below). Not surprisingly, exact dates and details of events that tumultuous summer differ in the medieval accounts, as do historians' assessments of the individuals and incidents involved. Hotspur rode to Henry's aid as described here and, according to the Brut chronicle, tempered his greetings with a warning to Henry to not overstep legitimacy by trying to seize more than what was rightfully his. (See the Brut, pg. 353.)

Hotspur and Henry Bolingbroke were old jousting teammates who had won great honors at the international tourney at St. Inglevert, France, in 1390. But they do not seem to have been close companions after that. The older of the two, Harry was also probably the more physically fit, since Henry began suffering from various maladies early in his reign. Yet, as a young man he initially showed much physical promise and was considered a fine tournament competitor and warrior, although his genuine experience in warfare was limited: He fought briefly for the Teutonic knights in Lithuania and in a skirmish at Radcot Bridge in England in 1387 (during an earlier attempt to reform Richard’s government that had degenerated into brutality and death). Overall, Hotspur’s military experience surpassed Henry’s. But according to contemporaries Henry had other notable qualities, as described here, and in social polish he clearly seems to have outshone Hotspur, who spent little time in palace society. Nonetheless, as Hotspur recalls here, Henry also had a long record of political intrigue, dishonesty and betrayal. For Bolingbroke's background prior to becoming king see the Kirby and Wylie biographies, the biographies of Richard II, such overall studies as McKisack's book The 14th Century, and Adam of Usk and other medieval chroniclers.

The quotes from Richard Arundel's trial are from Adam of Usk's chronicle (pg. 158). The text of Henry's oath at Doncaster is based on Hardyng's discussion of it in his chronicle (pg. 350), and from Harry's recapitulation of its salient points in 1403. The fact that Henry felt compelled to make such a pledge, disavowing desires to take the throne himself, underscores the likelihood that either he, or some of his followers, began speculating about deposing Richard not long after Henry returned to England. Nonetheless, Henry publicly espoused a campaign to clean up Richard's corrupt regime, serving in his capacity of high steward of England as an overseer of the king. Reform of Richard's administration, not its overthrow, seems to have been the motivation that led Hotspur and numerous others to Henry's camp. Hotspur apparently favored the reform model mentioned here: A strong council, led by Bolingbroke as Duke of Lancaster and first-among-peers, serving as a check upon royal authority and guard against tyranny, with due deference to Parliament as well.

Chapters V and VI

John Bushey and his two companions, all close associates of Richard, were arrested at Bristol and executed the next day after a hasty and highly questionable trial that featured Harry's father and cousin, Ralph Neville, as two of the three judges (and probably Henry himself as the third). Medieval accounts of what happened can be found in the St. Albans Annales (pgs. 246-247), and the Kirkstall Chronicle (excerpts were printed in Latin in the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, January 1931, pgs. 132-133). Most of the public, at least around Bristol, seems to have rejoiced at the deaths, since Bushey and his colleagues were blamed for much of Richard's corruption and misrule.

There is no evidence that Hotspur participated in any of the legal proceedings. But his anger over their fate, as portrayed here (Chapter VI) is conjecture, based on his handling of similar cases involving members of Richard’s entourage and suspected criminals he arrested. His meeting with Bushey (Chapter V) is also fictional, although Bushey participated in the Parliament that pressured Richard II to ransom Hotspur from the Scots, and a visit between the two on the evening of Bushey's capture is plausible. Also as mentioned, Hotspur’s father and Gaunt (to some extent, anyway) supported Wycliffe.

The elderly woman, Agnes, caught by Hotspur's men (Chapter V), is fictitious.

Although lacking formal education—such as attending a university—Hotspur appears to have been reasonably well-schooled, probably by monastic tutors and such men as his Uncle Thomas, an acquaintance of Geoffrey Chaucer. In addition to abilities in French (or Anglo-Norman French), Hotspur also seems to have had a good knowledge of written Latin, for he frequently signed and issued documents in Latin. Probably he knew at least a smattering of Welsh as well. But his native language, learned as a boy, would have been English—albeit Anglo-Scots Borders dialect. In fact, one story holds that he invented the dialect (Smithsonian, "The Lords of Alnwick," pg. 76), but it undoubtedly pre-dated him. I have used scattered words of dialect to give readers a taste of it. The prevalence of dialect notwithstanding, Harry's scribe and squire, John Hardyng, wrote quite well in "standard" Middle English. Raised in Harry's household much like a younger brother, Hardyng received a good education, possible only with Harry’s encouragement and efforts. (In the chronicle he wrote as an old man, Hardyng's affection for his lord and friend and his anguish over Hotspur’s untimely death rings out, after many years, and he writes eloquently of Hotspur’s idealism.) In addition to the splendid new keep and other improvements he built at Warkworth Castle, the first Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, may have planned a small “college” or home for priests-scholars on the grounds there, though the task of building it probably fell to Hotspur’s son, the second earl.

Hotspur must have practiced constantly and been an excellent all-around athlete. The drills he leads his men through in the pages here (Chapter VI) generally are taken from the military history of the period, including a contemporary account of the feats performed by the Sire de Boucicaut, France's great champion (excerpted in Contamine's War in the Middle Ages, pgs. 216-217). Like Harry, Boucicaut participated in the St. Inglevert tournament. I am uncertain whether they formally competed against one another, but they certainly would have known one another and may well have shared expertise, a common chivalric practice that transcended nationality.

His master archer, MacKerny, is fictitious. But Thomas Knayton, a senior squire and long-time companion, and Sean (John) Irby, who was with Hotspur in Wales in 1401 (and probably elsewhere), were real men. Because little is known of them I created backgrounds (Chapter VI). I have also fictionalized Hotspur's warhorse, although the account of St. Oswald is true, at least as recounted in St. Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Oswald preceded Harry by 700 years and eerily pre-figured him in several ways, which will become obvious in later parts of this trilogy. For the Gospel reference (Chapter V), see Mark 15:1.

Chapter VII

The attack on Agnes' farm is fictitious, although closely drawn from accounts in the Dieulacres Chronicle and Adam of Usk's chronicle about depredations committed by Henry's men. Some of Richard's remaining followers also no doubt committed such crimes, although Henry's forces were probably worse. The Statutes and Ordinances to be Kept in Time of War, written in Middle English and probably dating from Henry IV's reign or late in Richard's reign, clearly held armies to strict standards of conduct. They appear, along with similar rules, in French, from Richard II's Scottish campaign of 1385, and those, in English, from Henry V's reign, in The Black Book of the Admiralty, page 282.

Chapters VIII and IX

The portrayals of Richard II's and Thomas Percy's return to Wales and what followed also come from medieval chronicles, including Thomas Percy's dismissal of the royal household and flight to Bolingbroke's camp. However, Richard's parting note to Thomas is fictitious, although the fleeing king must have left some type of instructions. The attacks by brigands upon refugees fleeing Wales are related in contemporary accounts, although the incident of sexual mutilation of English corpses is attributed to Welsh women's conduct after a battle in 1402 (Annales, pg. 341). Scenes depicting Richard's stay at Conway Castle and surrender at Flint (Chapter IX) likewise are closely based on original sources, among them Creton's chronicle (pgs. 132-141 and 167-168). Despite the number of authors of the day who wrote about these events, Richard's mysterious flight and disguises, and the chaos as his companions joined and abandoned his entourage, questions linger about dates, locations, and exactly who said what to whom and why. Writers at the time differed on whether it was the Earl of Northumberland traveling alone, or the earl and Archbishop Arundel, working together, who negotiated with Richard; historians have carried on the debate. I suspect that both the earl and archbishop were involved but were sent individually by Henry Bolingbroke, to arrive by different paths, for the reasons stated here: safety, in separate routes; and prudence, in having both present for the actual talks, to ensure that neither one of them could misrepresent Bolingbroke's terms or Richard’s responses.

The quote from Vegetius' treatise, which Hotspur reads as he waits outside Flint Castle, is from Vegetius: Epitome of Military Science (pg. 11). In the same scene, the brief quotes of Richard and Henry at Flint are based on lines in Creton's chronicle (pgs. 167-168).

According to Creton (pg. 159) and Holinshed (pg. 857 in the AMS edition of the chronicle on Richard II), Bolingbroke appointed Hotspur commander-in-chief or, in Holinshed's words, "general … or master-of-the-camp" in this period. Around the same time, Bolingbroke, in his capacity as high steward of England, also named Hotspur ad hoc justice of Chester. There, he promptly issued orders, signed by his own seal in the absence of the official seal, to provide for maintenance of law and order. He seems to have quickly won over the Cheshiremen—long followers of Richard—by his honesty, fairness, intelligence, and good nature. Many residents of Cheshire were to later follow him, perishing as he did, fighting against Henry IV. The wording of Hotspur’s decree is my creation, inspired by similar real texts. It also reflects the account in the Dieulacres Chronicle of promises made by some unidentified officer of Bolingbroke's army and Hotspur's genuine reference to Bolingbroke as his "most dread [awesome, revered] lord, Duke of Lancaster and High Steward of England" (quoted by R.R. Davies in "Richard II and the Principality of Chester, 1397-99," in The Reign of Richard II, pg. 278).

The account of Hotspur's role in quelling local unrest—apparently without loss or life or injury—is true, mentioned in Philip Morgan's War and Society in Medieval Cheshire, pgs. 204, 223, which identifies the rural commoners’ leader; and in the medieval Annales (pgs. 250-251). I invented the kindly parish friar, Father Robin, and Hotspur’s roadside discussions with the group, as well as the later, separate mob's attempted lynching of Richard II's men. The other cleric portrayed, the white-robed canon, Adam of Usk (or Adam Usk), a lawyer and chronicler, was real. Usk was with Henry's force in Cheshire, though not necessarily involved in trying to prevent an attempted lynching, and he and Harry seem to have become good friends. Also, Harry did arrest some of Richard's men, sending them under guard to London to await trial, a move that contrasts sharply with Bolingbroke’s action in immediately executing John Bushey and others without proper trials. Counterfeit letters, purporting to be from Richard, began appearing in England in the early years of Henry IV's rule, as the Eulogium chronicle reports (pg. 389).

Chapter X

Richard's lamentation to Adam Usk and Ian Kynge in the Tower is based on Adam's account (pg. 182) of his visit to Richard "while he dined," though I created the version here. (cf: Shakespeare's Richard II, Act III, Scene 2, Lines 145-175). The discussions between Hotspur, Adam, and others about the nation and the propriety of replacing Richard are fictitious but reflect the deliberations that conscientious men and women must have undertaken. Medieval sources report Bolingbroke's presentation of a bogus chronicle to boost his claim to the kingship (a medieval dirty tricks forerunner to use of fraud to win modern political election); the advisory commission on which Adam served; the commission's survey of chronicles from across England to determine the validity of Henry's chronicle and the commission’s conclusion that the document was fake; the murder of Richard's four palace knights by a mob led by London's mayor; and Harry's ownership of two inns in Aldersgate. (See Adam Usk's chronicle, pgs. 182-184; Hardyng's chronicle, pgs. 353-354; Froissart, pgs. 455-461 in the Penguin edition, and the Calendar of Patent Rolls, Vol. II, pg. 408.)

For more on this period also see the biographies of Richard II and Henry IV cited in the bibliography, below.)

Chapter XI

According to Hotspur’s 1403 Shrewsbury declaration and chronicle sources, a mob of Bolingbroke's followers belligerently threatened Parliament to force it to choose Bolingbroke as king. (See Creton, pgs. 191-192, and the abbot of St. Botolph's, quoted by Gaillard Lapsley in English Historical Review, January 1938, pgs. 60-61.) Hardyng declares (pg. 351) that having considered the Mortimers—the other ostensible claimants to the throne—and having "consydred also the might of Duke Henry" Parliament accepted Henry's bid because "there durst none deny it"—no one dared do otherwise. Obviously the assembly dismissed the Mortimer claim with little ado. Even Hotspur's uncle and father (who had carefully arranged to marry Harry eldest son into the Mortimer family) thus made no case for the Mortimers. In addition to the pressure applied by his thuggish followers outside and around the assembly chamber, Henry seems to have been aided by the fact that he was a full-grown man, not a boy like the Mortimer heirs. After the problems posed by the reign of Richard II, who had come to the throne as a boy, the assembly's inclination to favor an adult as king is understandable. The articles of deposition against Richard cited here summarize a few of the various allegations against him. Texts of the original version appear in the Annales (pgs. 259-277); the Rolls of Parliament (Rotuli Parliamentorum, pgs. 416-422) Chronicles of the Revolution, 1397-1400, by Chris Given Wilson (pgs. 182-184); and Holinshed’s Richard II chronicle (pgs. 859-861) Bishop Merks reportedly protested the treatment of Richard and questioned the assembly's authority to judge a king and his comments here are drawn from the account in the Chronique de la traison et mort de Richard Deux, roy Dengleterre, which is excerpted in translation in English Historical Documents 1327-1485 (pg. 183)

Hardyng relates (pg. 353) that the Percy earls opposed Henry's accession until September 30 -- or as long as it remained politically feasible to do so; they then joined in endorsing his aims. Only Hotspur held out -- against family pressure, possible violence from Henry's followers, and public sentiment. He, his father, uncle, and cousin reportedly met with Henry late on the eve of the coronation to try one last time to deter him. But since all of them except for Hotspur were playing major roles in the coronation ceremonies, it is likely that Hotspur took the lead. According to Hardyng, (pg. 351), the discussion convinced Henry to step aside, but by the next morning he had changed his mind yet again and proceeded to be crowned. Although Hotspur had been specifically invited and as a Knight of the Garter should have been present, according to the Dieulacres Chronicle (pg. 179) he boycotted the festivities.

Chapter XII

Described here in Henry’s conversation with Neville, the events in Bordeaux are true, at least according to the St. Albans Annales Ricardi Secundi et Henrici Quarti (i.e., the Annales, pg. 158): Harry was locked out of Bordeaux by the citizens, only to win their friendship and see them later protest any assertion by Gaunt of direct control over Aquitaine. (More background appears in Palmer's England, France and Christendom, 1377-99, Chapter Nine, and Goodman's John of Gaunt, pgs. 194-198.) Throughout his adult life, Harry seems to have had an uncanny knack for turning foes or potential opponents into friends. The incident in France provides an early example. When his father became King Henry IV, young Hal became Prince of Wales and Earl of Cheshire. In part by virtue of his appointments as justiciar of North Wales and justice of Chester, but also surely through Henry's deliberate choice, Harry became de facto mentor to the prince. My impression is that they quickly formed a close bond, one probably strengthened by the fact that having seen little of his father and been raised in part by Richard II, only to be separated from Richard as well, Hal needed a father figure in his life. Certainly, too, Harry's absences from his own children (common to lords and men in military service, even those not estranged from their wives) would have encouraged him to regard the prince as a surrogate son. Moreover, the national reputation and record attached to Harry’s name would have made him an especially attractive role model. Nonetheless, Harry's encounter with Hal in the royal stables in this chapter is fictitious.

Both Hal and Hotspur were among the select group of 58 individuals who met on October 23 and consigned Richard to house arrest. They presumably were motivated by desires to postpone any further proceedings until passions had quieted enough to allow his trial to proceed peaceably and until tensions with France and Scotland had dissipated. At the session, King Henry reportedly insisted that nothing should be done to harm Richard. At the end of the discussion the Earl of Northumberland apparently surveyed the gathering and all concurred in the plan to send Richard into "safe and secret custody." The names of all 58 participants, including Harry, were then inscribed in the Rolls of Parliament. Background can be found in the Rolls of Parliament (pgs. 426-427); Myers' excerpts of the latter (pg. 185 in English Historical Documents) and the biographies of Henry IV by Wylie (pgs. 66-67) and Kirby (pgs. 76-77).

Henry confirmed Hotspur's appointment as warden of the East March on October 20, 1399, and named him lord of Anglesey on October 12; sheriff of Flintshire, in Wales, and lord constable of Bamburgh Castle, in Northumberland, both on October 24; and justice or justiciar of Cheshire, North Wales, and Flintshire, on October 29 (Calendar of Patent Rolls, pgs. 37, 158, 162, and Rotuli Scotiae pg. 151). Although Henry combined Harry's appointments in North Wales and Cheshire in one writ, the two areas are geographically distinct and I have subsequently described Hotspur as justiciar of North Wales and justice of Chester to distinguish between the two.

Chapter XIII

The attempted coup against Henry actually occurred, led by the pro-Richard participants described here, who apparently intended to strike at Windsor under cover of a tournament over Epiphany. According to the St. Albans Annales, the King and Prince Hal, Hotspur, and various others with the royal family during the Christmas season were all poisoned. Whether it was a coincidental case of unintentional poisoning from tainted water or food or a deliberate attempt at mass murder as part of the coup is unclear, although the chronicler hints at the latter. However, the King and Prince rode to London when the coup broke out and so must not have been seriously stricken or ill for very long. Hotspur is not mentioned anywhere as joining them on the flight from Windsor or as helping to chase down the ringleaders' army, although such a role would have been characteristic of him. Thus, one can assume, though not prove, that, if stricken, he was more severely incapacitated than the others and did not help quell the insurrection, which spilled over into Cheshire, his jurisdiction. (See the Annales, pgs. 322-330, Adam of Usk's chronicle, pgs. 197-198, 202-204, and the Kirby biography of Henry IV, pgs. 87-90.)

Ralph Neville married Henry's half-sister, Joanie Beaufort, at some point after his first wife died. They had numerous children, suggesting either a love match with frequent sexual activity or that Ralph was particularly sexually aggressive. This portrayal of their relationship assumes the former. Marriage in those days began on a much more casual basis than it did later. The church did not formally recognize matrimony as a sacrament until the 1200's and even then did not demand that it begin with a nuptial rite. The latter, or wedding—a ceremony before a priest and witnesses—only became a requirement at the Council of Trent in 1563, after the Protestant Reformation had begun. Before weddings became the norm, marriage often began when a man and woman (presumably not already encumbered by an agreement for an arranged marriage with someone else) began seeing each other on a serious basis and plighted their troth—exchanged their mutual consent. Often this occurred when they began regularly sleeping together or otherwise demonstrated an ongoing commitment to each other and were recognized as a couple by the community. Once they had made such a promise they were encouraged to inform the local church of their bond and have the "banns" of marriage, the formal announcement of their union, declared publicly by the priest. (This helped to prevent individuals from engaging in multiple serious liaisons and forming multiple families.) Certainly, formal wedding ceremonies did occur, especially among royalty for reasons of state, but often these involved children or teen-agers in a commitment contracted through an arranged marriage. (See more discussion on medieval love and marriage, below.)

Chapter XIV

Richard II died under mysterious circumstances and his body, heavily shrouded or encased, was carted to London, as described here. In his battlefield declaration, Hotspur accused Henry of having ordered Richard's murder by starvation, and the circumstantial evidence points toward that conclusion. (See the Annales' passages cited above; Davies' An English Chronicle, pg. 21, the Eulogium, pg. 387, and Adam of Usk's chronicle, pgs. 188-189; as well as the biographies of Richard II and Henry.) The Privy Council endorsed a general pardon to all of England "except for the men of the county of Chester." (See Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council, hereafter POPC, Vol. I, pg. 111.) The indictment of the Cheshire rioters, edited somewhat but otherwise verbatim, is from the Chester Recognizance Rolls, now in the Public Record Office, London and was compiled by clerks of the court over which Hotspur presided, with translation from the Latin by this author. A few passages also are transcribed in Latin in "The Cheshire Rising of 1400," by Peter McNiven, in the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Vol. 52. I am grateful to Mr. McNiven's article for pointing me toward the original and to Professor L.R. Poos, of Catholic University, for obtaining a copy of the original for me.

A resident of Chester, Petronilla Clerk (or Clark) was mother of John (Jan) Kingsley, who became one of Hotspur's aides in Cheshire. She later suffered confiscation of her property because, in 1403, she allowed her son access to her home when he supported the "traitor" Hotspur. (Calendar of Patent Rolls, Vol. II, pg. 257)

As noted earlier, Elizabeth Mortimer Percy married Thomas Camoys after Hotspur's death. The account here of their meeting is fictitious. I created the poem Camoys recites.

Chapter XV

In determining if the Cheshire rioters were guilty of treason, Hotspur could have referred to such texts as the 1352 Statute of Treasons and works of Glanville and Bracton, 12th and 13th Century experts in English law. Ultimately, whatever sources he consulted, apparently after a lengthy investigation he followed the course of action outlined here and got all involved pardoned, in writs recorded in the Calendar of Patent Rolls over several months. Several of the men thus spared death or other serious penalty joined the Cheshire division of Hotspur's army for duty in Scotland in summer 1400; some also went on to subsequently serve with him at the Battle of Shrewsbury in 1403.

By contrast, King Henry presided over hasty and highly questionable trials at Oxford and quickly tortured and executed about 30 of the approximately 80 men brought before him, although he later spared others the death penalty. (For more details see the sources already cited for this incident as well as pgs. 228-229 and 285-86 of Volume I of the Calendar of Patent Rolls; pgs. 259 and 264 of the same rolls Volume II; and pg. 209 of Philip Morgan's book, which provides a roster of those who joined the local levy for Scottish duty.) The excerpt from the 1352 Statute of Treasons is from Sources of English Constitutional History, by Stephenson and Marcham (pg. 227).

Hotspur's discussions with his uncle and friends about love and the mysteries of Richard's death at Pontefract Castle are fictitious, but Thomas Percy's account of the doctored minutes of a royal meeting is true in the sense that such a document, obviously altered or tampered with, was found by Thompson, the early 20th-century editor of Adam of Usk's chronicle, who mentions the discovery in a note (pgs. 200-202). Thompson's contemporary Wylie, writing his biography of Henry IV, likewise found Exchequer roll entries mentioning a royal aide "sent to Pontefract Castle on secret business by order of the King" and referring to a courier sent from Pontefract to "the King's Council" with news "of certain matters which concern the King's advantage." (Wylie, pgs. 114-115, emphasis in his book)

Medieval society often treated marriage cynically, with children contracted to each other in arranged marriages to further the political, financial and/or social ambitions of their parents (who probably had been obligated to each other by their parents) and sustain the family lineage in suitable status. Some heretical medieval movements and critics rejected marriage (and some or all of the other church sacraments). While sometimes, as in the Albigensian sect, this came from a supposed abhorrence of sexual activity, in other cases it probably stemmed from disgust at the abuses allowed by arranged marriages. In this chapter, Ian Kynge reflects some of the latter sentiments but adopts a more nuanced perspective. He stridently opposes arranged marriages because they involve immature children and teen-agers too young to provide informed consent and (as he sees in the example of his friend, Harry) often lead to other family troubles and unhappiness. But he ardently believes in marriage itself as a union grounded in love and freely chosen by couples old enough to make their own decisions. Given the realities of arranged marriages, the likelihood of men and women falling in love with others, outside of marriage, was not only acknowledged but celebrated in the ideals of courtly, romantic love. Geoffroi de Charny, the exemplar of chivalry of France, circa 1350, a man who occupied a position similar to that of Hotspur in England half a century later, waxes poetic on such love, extra-marital or not, which clearly seems to include a sexual dimension. Other contemporary writers went further in condoning, or even advocating, such sexual relations. See the Book of Chivalry of Geoffroi de Charny, pgs. 31-32; 119.)

Chapter XVI

Henry's invasion of Scotland proved as ineffectual as described here. His insulting demand that the Scots do homage to him can be found in the Calendar of Patent Rolls, Volume I, pg. 351. The descriptions of the Battle of Otterburn, the earlier skirmish at Newcastle, and the boastful Mowbray's hapless tenure as Hotspur's replacement come from various sources. They include but are not limited to Froissart's chronicle (pgs. 361-376 in the Johnes edition and 335-348 in the Penguin edition), the Scots scribe Andrew Wyntoun's The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland (pgs. 34-39); the Westminster Chronicle (pgs. 347-351); the Buik of the Croniclis of Scotland (pgs. 420-441), Hardyng's chronicle (pgs. 342-343); War and Border Societies in the Middle Ages, which focuses specifically on the battle and Scots and English border culture; and various versions of the medieval ballad of the Battle of Otterburn, a good text of which appears in War and Border Societies. The affray opened with the attempted siege of Newcastle, in which Hotspur and Douglas dueled as depicted here and an injured Hotspur fell from his horse and was carried away unconscious, only to recover and give chase to the fleeing Scots. Despite the accounts of the battle in several medieval sources, uncertainty remains even as to the date on which it occurred (Hardyng said it was August 5, Froissart gave the date as August 19), the exact terrain, and exactly how and where Douglas died. The Scottish Buik has him carried to his tent, where, though shot by three arrows and wounded in the head he delivers eloquent final statement before dying. Froissart says Douglas was skewered with three lances and fell dead on the field. At least one version of the medieval ballad credits a sword-wielding Hotspur with slaying Douglas and adds that the Scotsman died where he fell. Hardyng writes that Hotspur "with a small host on him fell, and slew Douglas and many put to flight." This can be read to mean either that Hotspur personally slew Douglas or that his English force collectively killed Douglas and many others. Wyntoun declares that no one knew exactly how Douglas died. At the time of the battle, Hardyng was a boy of 10; he joined Hotspur's household two years later and probably got his version of the battle from Hotspur himself though his account, in verse, is quite short. Froissart’s report is long and richly detailed and Froissart explains that came from post-bellum interviews with participants on both sides. Overall, both he and Hardyng are probably reasonably accurate sources, despite the discrepancy as to the date. It's likely that Douglas died from a combination of wounds, one or more of which was inflicted by Hotspur. Douglas also seems to have refused to surrender, even after being wounded. Froissart notes that, according to his interviewees, "it was the hardest and most obstinate battle that was ever fought." He likewise states that "of all the battles that have been described in this history, great and small, this of which I am now speaking was the best fought and the most severe." Considering the great volume of Froissart's work, this is a fine tribute to Scots and English alike. He also reports that when the battle ended the Scots and English characteristically treated each other quite amicably. He specifically mentions the solicitous care given to the seriously wounded Sir Rafe Percy, Hotspur's brother, by the Scots and cites other examples, too, suggesting that the two sides acted like "brothers" -- which some combatants may well have been (or, if not brothers, at least cousins or old friends). As one chronicler pointed out, they all spoke the same language, adding to the confusion (but also attesting to their many similarities).

Froissart and the Westminster Chronicle both also report that Hotspur ultimately fought with and was captured by "Lord Montgomery," probably Sir John Montgomery, although Hardyng says that after his capture Hotspur was secretly taken off by Dunbar to the latter's castle. All of this suggests that Montgomery captured Hotspur but that Dunbar pulled rank and temporarily claimed him. The Scottish debate over the killing of the prisoners, the objections on moral grounds from some of the Scottish knights, and Dunbar's vacillations in the matter are all reported in the Scottish Buik; the English Westminster Chronicle has a similar but more abbreviated account.

Hotspur spent a year or more as a hostage in Scotland, where, with the possible exception of the first stage of captivity, he apparently was treated quite well. For months, Richard II delayed granting permission for his ransom, until the knights and Commons in Parliament finally intervened and the king agreed to donate royal funds to help meet the ransom costs. (See the Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland, documents Numbers 395 and 420, and the Westminster Chronicle, pgs. 400-401, which mentions the amount of his ransom – 7,000 marks or £4,600.) The Crown also refused to permit the Earl of Northumberland to arrange prisoner exchanges with the Scots. After his ransom, Hotspur seems to have remained on good terms with Montgomery. But their meeting here in 1400 is fictitious.

However, Hotspur did issue a bigoted call-to-arms in Chester, accusing the Scots of seeking always to destroy the English people and language. The brief quotation used here is printed, in Latin, in Henry V, by Christopher Allmand (pg. 420), which in turn cites the Chester records series in the British National Archives, formerly called the Public Record Office (document 2/74). The translation into English is my own. While offensive, Hotspur's writ was at least not quite as racially inflammatory as those issued after his death by Henry himself. Hotspur's subsequent conduct also proved that he regarded the Scots, and others, as equals and ran afoul of the Crown in part because of his fairness toward them. The History of the Battle of Otterburn Fought in 1388, by Robert White, and Anthony Tuck's article "Richard II and the Border Magnates," in Northern History, provide more on the battle and Richard's attitudes toward Borders affairs, respectively.

Likewise, the feud between Lord Grey and Owain Glyn Dwr is true, as are, as best as can be determined, the accompanying incidents of Glyn Dwr's unfortunate treatment by the English court, Grey's duplicity in postponing delivering of Glyn Dwr's summons to arms, and the other developments with which the chapter opens. As justiciar of North Wales, Hotspur was left to deal with the ramifications of all this. For background see the Glyn Dwr biographies by J. Griffith Davies (pgs. 28-36), J. Lloyd (pgs. 29-30), and R.R. Davies (pg. 102) and Davies' An English Chronicle (pg. 22. The editor of the latter should not be confused with the other two authors named Davies, writing at different times.)

The scene between Hal and Hotspur at the end of the chapter is fictitious, although Hal's attachment to Richard was not.

Chapters XVII and XVIII

Although I strongly suspect that Hotspur fell in love with a woman very much like Ciarry and was deeply loved by her in return, their relationship is fictitious. However, in depicting her I have drawn upon characteristics found in English women of her era, a time of deep social upheaval following the Great Plague (which swept Europe, including Britain, around 1350 and recurred at various intervals) and years of war with France and/or Scotland. A member of the minor nobility and gentry class, she is well-educated, thanks to convent upbringing, her own intellectual curiosity, and the demands of economic survival; resourceful; and spiritually grounded, in a non-pietistic, free-thinking way; independent and bereft of any immediate family; imbued with a relative freedom in society thanks to her widowhood and the ongoing cultural chaos; and deferential to men—up to a point. When she chooses to remain with Hotspur and take over his farm, she makes her own decision, just as she had made her own decision in establishing her little abbey earlier. Such small, unattached religious communities, committed to the church but not necessarily subjecting themselves to its every authority, also became prevalent in the latter Middle Ages, as did various radical heretical sects outside the church. Often these new religious houses were led by and consisted of women, whether living as nuns or remaining as lay women, albeit spiritually-inclined and communalistic (comparable houses served men). Earlier, however, monastic communities of both men and women, nuns alongside monks, had flourished in the British Isles. One order, the Gilbertines, founded by Gilbert of Sempringham in the 12th century, became famous in England, although in time it began separating its male and female members, at least to some degree. Later, the official church decided to oppose such "double monasteries" and the Gilbertines and other male-female orders disappeared, though memory of them lingered—hence Ciarry's idea of reviving the concept.

Also in these chapters, the account of Hotspur's victory at Brest, the fact that his family-owned property near Rothbury, his familiarity with the countryside and the Northumbrians' affection for him, his initiation into the Praemonstratensian (or Norbertine) religious order as a layman member of the fraternity, his friendship with Thomas Knayton, the details of the Battle of Nicopolis, where Rafe Percy died, and other items are true. (For a contemporary report on his actions at Brest, see the Westminster Chronicle.)

Bibliography

Note: Since I launched my Hotspur research, other sources have become available, so this bibliography does not necessarily include all the most recent material. Also, inclusion of a reference here does not mean that I agree with that writer’s perspectives or conclusions.

Chronicles

Dieulacres Chronicle: Edited by M.V. Clarke and V.H. Galbraith; in the Bulletin of John Rylands Library, Vol. XIV (January 1930)

An English Chronicle (Davies' English Chronicle): Edited by J.S. Davies, Camden Society series, 1856

EulogiumHistoriarum Edit F.S. Haydon; Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, London, 1863

Northern Chronicle 1399-1430: Edited by C.L. Kingsford; contained in the book English Historical Literature (see below).

The Kirkstall Chronicle 1355-1400: Edited by M.V. Clarke and N. Denholm-Young; published in the Bulletin of John Rylands Library, Vol. XV (January 1931)

Froissart: Chronicles [abbreviated English version]: selected, translated and edited by G. Brereton Penguin Classics edition, London, 1968

Froissart: Chronicles of England, France and Spain, Volume II, by Sir John Froissart, translated from the French by Thomas Johnes, William Smith publishers, London, 1848

Chronica et Annales 1392-1406 (Annales Ricardi Secundi et Henrici Quarti); attributed to John De Trokelowe and Henry Blaneforde and the monks of St. Albans, probably under the overall supervision of Thomas Walsingham; H.T. Riley, editor; Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, London, London, 1866

Historia Anglicana, 1381-1422: by Thomas Walsingham, edited by Henry Thomas Riley; Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green; London, 1864

Scotichronicon, Volume 8 (Books XV and XVI): attributed to Walter Bower; D.E.R. Watt, general editor; Aberdeen University Press; University of St. Andrews, 1987 (Earlier text edited by W. Goodall, 1759)

The Chronicle of John Hardyng: edited by H. Ellis; printed for F.C. and J. Rivington, T. Payne, and others; London, 1812

Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Richard Deux, Roy Dengleterre: Excerpted in Myers' English Historical Documents (See below for citation on latter.)

Foedera:`Acta Regia,' Vol. II (abridgement): Usually cited as Foedera, or Rymer's Foedera; Compiled in the early 1700s from earlier works; the rare-book copy used here was made available for reading by request of Georgetown University Library, Washington, D.C.

Chronicle of Adam of Usk: edited and translated by E.M. Thompson; London, 1904

The Chronicle of Adam of Usk, 1377-1421, edited and translated by Given-Wilson, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1997

Gile's Chronicle (Incerti Scriptoris Chronicon Angliae deRegnis Trium Regum Lancastrensium, Henrici IV, Henrici V et Henrici VI): edited by J.A. Giles; London, 1848

The Buik of the Chroniclis of Scotland, Metrical Version of the History of Hector Boece, Vol. III: by William Stewart, edited by W.B. Turnbull; Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, London, 1858 (Rolls Series Volume 6)

Creton: A Metrical History of the Deposition of King Richard the Second: Reprinted at length, with translation from the French, by J. Webb, in Archaeologia XX (1824), London

The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland, Vol. III, attributed to Andrew Wyntoun, edited by D. Laing, William Paterson, Edinburgh, 1879

The Brut, Or the Chronicles of England (Part II): edited by Friedrich W. Brie from 15th-Century manuscripts and published by the Early English Text Society, Vol. 136, London, 1908

Chronicon Henrici Knighton (Chronicle of Henry Knighton), Vol. II: edited by Joseph R. Lumby, printed for Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1895

Chronicle of Alnwick Abbey: (excerpts) Archaeologia Aeliana, Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Vol. III, T. and J. Hodgson printing, Newcastle, 1844

The Westminster Chronicle, 1381-1394: edited and translated by L.C. Hector and Barbara F. Harvey, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1982

The Chronicle of England, by J. Capgrave, edited by F.C. Hingeston, Rolls Series, London, 1858

Raphael Holinshed: Chronicles of England, Scotlande and Irelande: “Richard the Second,” by AMS Press Inc., New York, 1965); Richard II (1398-1400), Henry IV, and Henry V (combined volume), by Greenwood Press, Publishers, Westport, Conn., 1917 and 1978; “The Historie of Scotland,” by AMS Press, 1976

Government Documents and Records:

Royal and Historical Letters During the Reign of Henry IV: edited by F.C. Hingeston; Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts; 1860

The Diplomatic Correspondence of Richard II: edited by E. Perroy, Camden Third Series, London, 1933

Calendar of Signet Letters of Henry IV and Henry V, 1399-1422: edited by J.L. Kirby, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1978

Rotuli Parliamentorum (Rolls of Parliament) Vol. III: (Henry IV), London, (part of 8-volume set published 1780-1832)

Rotuli Scotiae (Rolls Regarding Scotland): Volume II, printed by command of George III, London, 1819

List of Sheriffs for England and Wales from the Earliest Times to A.D. 1831: Her Majesty's Stationery Office and Kraus Reprint Corp., New York, 1963

Calendar of Patent Rolls (CPR); Henry IV, Vols. I and II; His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1903 and 1905

Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland, 1357-1435: edited by J. Bain (series published 1881-1888)

Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry IV, Vols. I and II: His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927 and 1929

Calendar of Fine Rolls, Henry IV (Vol. XII) 1399-1405 London, 1931

Calendar of Inquisitions Post-Mortem, Vol. XIV: London, 1962

Record of Caernarvon, formally known as the Registrum Vulgariter Nuncupatum "the Record of Caernarvon" (Commissioners of Public Records, London, 1838

The Black Book of the Admiralty, Vol. I: edited by Sir Travers Twiss; Longman & Co., et al, London, 1871 (includes ("Statutes and Ordinances To Be Kept in Time of War," circa 1400)

Letters from the Northern Registers, edited by James Raine, Longman & Co., London, 1873

Anglo-Scottish Relations: 1174-1328 (with later supplement), edited by E.L. G. Stones, Nelson & Sons, London, 1965

Scottish Historical Documents: edited by Gordon Donaldson, Neil Wilson Publishing, Glasgow, 1970

Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1174-1328: Some Selected Documents, edited and translated by E.G. Stones, Nelson Publishing, London, 1965

Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council (POPC) Vols. I and II: edited by H. Nicolas, London, 1834

Exchequer documents: In researching Hotspur and Henry IV, in London I reviewed various rolls (scrolls) of original financial records compiled by Henry IV's clerks. These include: E403/564; E401/619; E401/626; E404/15/57 and other materials stored in the Public Record Office.

Chester Recognizance Rolls: Number 25/10, Public Record Office, London

Cotton Collection (Hotspur's letters): Five letters that he wrote (in Anglo-Norman French) to the Privy Council in 1401 and 1402 are in the Cotton MSS Collection (“Cleopatra” F III series) in the British Library, London, where I have reviewed them. The Cotton collection also includes the Tudur petition. The letters are reprinted (in Anglo-Norman French) but modern typefaces in De Fonblanque’s book (see below) and in the POPC compilation (see above).

Books

Fourteenth Century Studies: by M.V. Clarke; Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1937; 1967

The Fourteenth Century, 1307-1399: by May McKisack; Oxford University Press, 1959; 1991 reprint

The Fifteenth Century, 1399-1485: by E.F. Jacob; Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1961

Fifteenth-Century England, 1399-1509 -- Studies in Politics and Society: edited by S.B. Chrimes, C.D. Ross, R.A. Griffiths; Manchester University Press, 1972

Constitutional History of England in the Fifteenth Century (1399-1485) by B. Wilkinson; Barnes & Noble Inc., New York, 1964

English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century: by C.L. Kingsford; Burt Franklin publishers, New York, 1913

The Receipt of the Exchequer, 1377-1485: by Anthony Steel, Cambridge at the University Press, 1954,

The Royal Household and the King's Affinity: by Chris Given-Wilson, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1986

The Complete Peerage, Vol. 4 (former volumes IX-X): by G.E.C. (Cokayne), Alan Sutton publishers, 1982

The Scots Peerage, Sir James Balfour Paul, editor, David Douglas (publishers), Edinburgh, 1907

Dictionary of National Biography, Volumes XIV and XV: Smith, Elder & Co., London, 1909; Oxford University Press, series reprints 1949-50

Richard II: by Anthony Steel; Cambridge at the University Press 1941

Richard II and the English Nobility: by Anthony Tuck; St. Martin's Press, New York, 1974

Richard II: by Nigel Saul, Yale University Press, New Haven (U.S.) and London (U.K.), 1997

The Reign of Richard II: edited by F.R. du Boulay and C.M. Barron, University of London, The Athlone Press, 1971

History of England under Henry IV, Vol. I: 1399-1401; Vol. II: 1405-06: by James Hamilton Wylie (part of four volume set; 1884-1898) Longmans, Green and Co., London

Henry IV of England: by J.L. Kirby: Constable, London, 1970

The Usurper King, Henry of Bolingbroke 1366-99, by Marie Louise Bruce, The Rubicon Press, 1986

Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights: by K.B. McFarlane; Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1972

Henry V: by Christopher Allmand, University of California Press, 1992

King Henry V: A Biography: by Harold F. Hutchison, 1967; Dorset Press, New York, 1989

Henry V: The Scourge of God: by Desmond Seward, Viking Penguin Inc., New York, 1988

Henry V, the Practice of Kingship: edited by G.L. Harriss; Oxford University Press, 1985

Henry V: The Astonishing Triumph of England’s Greatest Warrior King, by Dan Jones; Apollo-Head of Zeus, Bloomsbury Publishing PLC, London 2024; Viking, New York 2024

Annals of the House of Percy, Vol. 1, by Edward B. De Fonblanque (London, 1887)

A History of the House of Percy: by Gerald Brenan; Freemantle and Co., London, 1902

A Power in the Land: The Percys, by Richard Lomas, Tuckwell Press, East Linton, Scotland 1999

Owen Glyn Dwr: by J.D. Griffith Davies; Eric Partridge Ltd., Scholartis Press, London, 1934

Owen Glendower: by J.E. Lloyd; Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1931

The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dwr: by R.R. Davies, Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York, 1995

The Black Douglases, by Michael Brown, Tuckwell Press Ltd., East Linton, Scotland, 1998

Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship and Community, edited by Alexander Grant and Keith J. Stringer, Edinburgh University Press, 1993, 1998

English Historical Documents: 1327-1485: edited by A.R. Myers; Oxford University Press, New York, 1969

War and Society in Medieval Cheshire: 1277-1403: by Philip Morgan; Chetham Society, Manchester, 1987

The Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops, Vol. II: edited by James Raine, London, 1886

History of the Battle of Otterburn Fought in 1388: by Robert White; John Russell Smith, London, 1857

Memorials of the Most Noble Order of the Garter: by G.F. Beltz; William Pickering, London, 1841

England, France and Christendom, 1377-99: by J.J.N. Palmer, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, and Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1972

A History of Northumberland: Vol. V, by J. Hodgson, Reid, et al, publishing, London, 1899; Vol. XI, by Kenneth H. Vickers, Reid & Co. Ltd., London, 1922

A History of Northumberland, in Three Parts (Part I: Containing the General History of the County): Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, also attributed to J. Hodgson; Thomas and James Pigg, printers, Newcastle, 1858

The House of Commons, 1386-1421, Vol. I, J.S. Roskell, Alan Sutton Publishing, Stroud, for the History of Parliament Trust, 1992

Medieval Anglesey: by A.D. Carr, Anglesey Antiquarian Society, Llangefrei, 1982

Chronicles of the Revolution: by Chris Given-Wilson, Manchester University Press, 1993

War in the Middle Ages: by Philippe Contamine, translated by Michael Jones, Basil Blackwood printing, Oxford, England, 1984

Armies and Warfare in the Middle Ages: The English Experience, by Michael Prestwich, Yale University Press, 1996

Chivalry: by Maurice Keen, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1984

The Knight and Chivalry: by Richard Barber, (revised edition), The Boydell Press, 1995

The Book of Chivalry of Geoffroi de Charny: by Geoffroi de Charny, circa 1350; text, context and translation by Richard W. Kaeuper and Elspeth Kennedy, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996

War and Border Societies in the Middle Age: edited by Anthony Tuck and Anthony Goodman, Routledge Publishers, London, 1992

Violence, Custom and Law: the Anglo-Scottish Border Lands in the Later Middle Ages, by Cynthia Neville, Edinburgh University Press, 1998

The Border Reivers, by Godfrey Watson, Sandhill Press Ltd., Alnwick, Northumberland, England, 1985 (reprint); Robert Hale & Co., 1974

The Steel Bonnets: The Story of the Anglo-Scottish Border Reivers, by George MacDonald Fraser, Collins Harvill Publishers, London, 1989 (first published 1971 by Barrie & Jenkins)

English Society in the Later Middle Ages 1348-1500: by Maurice Keen, Penguin Books, London, 1990

Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c. 1200-1520: by Christopher Dyer, Cambridge University Press, 1989

The Ties that Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England: by Barbara A. Hanawalt, Oxford University Press, 1986

The Medieval Town: A Reader in English Urban History, 1200-1540: edited by Richard Holt and Gervase Rosser, Longman Group U.K. Ltd., Harlow, England, 1990

London in the Age of Chaucer: by A.R. Myers, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Okla., 1972

Medieval Westminster, 1200-1540: by Gervase Rosser, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1989

The Medieval Cookbook: by Maggie Black, British Museum Press, London, 1992

A Medieval Book of Seasons: by Marie Collins and Virginia Davis, HarperCollins Publishers, 1992

The Intelligent Traveller's Guide to Historic Scotland: by Philip A. Crowl, Congdon & Weed, New York, 1986

Atlas of Medieval Europe: by Donald Matthew, Facts on File, New York, Equinox Ltd., Oxford, 1983, 1989

Revised Medieval Latin Word List: R.E. Latham, et al, Oxford University Press, for the British Academy, London, 1989

Oxford English Dictionary: unabridged (I used the Compact Edition, 1971, as well as more recent editions.)

Anglo-Norman Dictionary: Modern Humanities Research Association, London, 1992

The Complete Parallel Bible: Oxford University Press, 1993

Journals and Articles

English Historical Review

1912: "The First Version of Hardyng's Chronicle," by C.L. Kingsford

1917: "The Office of Warden of the Marches: Its Origin and Early History," by R.R. Reid

1934: "The Parliamentary Title of Henry IV," by G. Lapsley

1937: "Richard II's Last Parliament," by H.G. Richardson

1938: "Richard II's Last Parliament" [response], by G. Lapsley

1939: "The Deposition of Richard II and the Accession of Henry IV," by B. Wilkinson

1957: "The Wardens of the Marches of England Towards Scotland, 1377-1489," by R.L. Storey

1994: "Keeping the Peace on the Northern Marches in the Later Middle Ages," by Cynthia J. Neville

The Welsh History Review

1964-1965: "Owain Glyn Dwr and the Lordship of Ruthin," by R. Ian Jack

1974-1975: "Richard II's Return to Wales," by J.W. Sherborne

1988-1989: "Perjury and the Lancastrian Revolution of 1399," by James Sherborne

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library

1969-1970: "The Cheshire Rising of 1400," by Peter McNiven

1979-1980: "The Scottish Policy of the Percies and the Strategy of the Rebellion of 1403," by Peter McNiven

1930 and 1931: see Dieulacres and Kirkstall chronicles

Northern History

1968: "Richard II and the Border Magnates," by J.A. Tuck

1998: "The Scottish Invasion of 1346," by C.J. Rogers

Archaeologia Aeliana

1950: "Wardens and Deputy Wardens of the Marches of England Towards Scotland in Northumberland and the English Wardens of Berwick-upon-Tweed," by C. Hunter Blair; "The Forests of Medieval Northumberland," by W. Percy Hedley

1957: "The Percies and Their Estates in Scotland," by J.M.W. Bean

History: October 1959: "Henry IV and the Percies," by J.M.W. Bean

Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire: 1980 (Vol. 129): "The Men of Cheshire and the Rebellion of 1403," by P. McNiven

Transactions: Caernarvonshire Historical Society: 1978 "The Taking of Conwy (Conway) Castle 1401" by Keith Williams-Jones

Smithsonian magazine: “The Lords of Alnwick, a Castle Great with Art and History,” by Israel Shenker, August 1984